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Photographic 

Sdences 
Corporation 


33  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  MS«0 

(716)  873-4503 


10 


CIHM/ICMH 

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L'exempiaire  fiimt  fut  roproduit  grice  A  la 
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pubiiques  du  Canada 

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flimage. 

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par  la  premier  plat  et  en  terminant  soit  par  la 
derniAre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'iilustration,  soit  par  le  second 
plat,  selon  le  cas.  Tous  ies  autres  exempieires 
originaux  sont  fiimte  en  commenpant  par  la 
premiere  pai^ie  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'iilustration  et  en  terminant  par 
la  dernidre  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 

Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparaftra  sur  la 
derniire  image  de  shaque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  le  symbols  ->^  signifie  "A  SUIVRE",  le 
symbols  V  nignifie  "FIN". 

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fiim«s  d  des  taux  de  reduction  diff6rents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  Atre 
reprodui^  en  un  seul  clichA,  11  est  fiimA  A  paitir 
de  I'angie  supArieur  gauche,  de  gauche  d  droite, 
et  de  haut  en  bas,  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'images  nicessaire.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  mAthode. 


1 

2 

3 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

u 


■ 


THE 


RECIPROCITY  TREATY, 


BETAVEEN   THE 


I 


i 


UNITED   STATES  AND  GREAT  BRITAIN, 


OF 


JUNE  5,  1854. 


REPORT  OF  A  SPECIAL  COMMITTEE  OF  THE  BOSTON 

BOARD  OF  TRADE.    SUBMITTED  AND 

ADOPTED  JAN.   2,  1865, 


AND 


ORDERED  TO  FORM  A  PATIT  OF  THE  ELEVENTH  ANNUAL  REPORT. 


BOSTON: 

PRESS  OF  T.  R,  MARVIN  &   SON,  42  CONGRESS  STREET. 

18  6  5. 


TnE  following  Report  of  the  Special  Committee  on  the  Reciprocity 
Treaty,  Avas  submitted  to,  and  accepted  by,  the  Boston  Board  of 
Trade,  as  a  part  of  the  Eleventh  Annual  Report,  previous  to  the  pas- 
sage of  the  Resolution  of  Coagress  declaratory  to  Great  Britain  of 
the  intention  of  the  United  States  to  terminate  the  same,  in  accord- 
ance with  the  provisions  of  the  Fifth  Article.  But  since  this  action 
of  Congress  does  not  preclude  negotiation  to  revise  and  continue  the 
Treaty,  or  to  conclude  a  new  one,  the  reasons  here  presented  against 
abrogation^  may  be  of  service  to  person*  who  have  not  examined  the 
subject  with  care,  and  to  those  who  are  unacquainted  with  the  long 
and  angry  controversies  between  the  two  Governments,  relative  to  the 
Colonial  Trade  and  the  Fisheries. 


■k 


OlFICE   liOSTON   BOAUD    OF   TrADE, 

Febhuauy  1,  18G5. 


w 


THE 


RECIPROCITY  TREATY  OF  1854. 


)city 
1  of 
pas- 
a  of 
iord- 
jtioa 
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I  the 
long 
I  the 


Soon  after  the  movement  in  Congress,  during  the  last 
session,  to  annul  the  "Reciprocity  Treaty"  of  1854,  we 
appointed  a  large  Committee,  with  full  powers,*  to  act 
upon  the  subject  at  discretion.  After  consultation,  it 
was  deemed  proper  to  send  the  Secretary  of  the  Board  to 
Washington,  under  instructions  to  make  interest  for  the 
revision  rather  than  the  abrogation  of  that  compact. 
That  officer  accordingly  visited  the  capital  twice,  had  a 
hearing  before  the  House  Committee  on  Commerce,  and 
had  frequent  conversriions  wiih  Senators  and  llepresen- 
tatives,  with  the  view  to  the  appointment  of  Commis- 
sioners by  the  two  Governments,  with  authority  to  make 
such  changes  in  the  Treaty  as  time  and  circumstances 
have,  in  the  judgment  of  statesmen  and  others,  rendered 
necessary  for  the  benefit  of  all  parties. 

We  had  supposed  that  in  commercial  freedom,  and  of 
consequence,  in  the  promotion  of  human  brotherhood, 
there  is  no  recession.  Possibly  the  case  before  ns  is  to 
prove  an  exception  to  the  common  rule  and  to  history. 

*  Committee, — Lorenzo  Sabine,  I'etcr  Butler,  Charles  Hockus,  William  B. 
Spooner,  Erastus  B,  Bigelow,  Charles  O.  Whitmorc,  Samuel  H.  Walley,  Joseph 
S.  Hopes,  Joseph  S.  Fay,  W.  W.  (Jirecuough,  Osborn  Howes,  William  Perkins, 
Thomas  Aspinwall,  William  T.  Glidden,  James  C.  Converse,  George  C.  Rich- 
ardson, Charles  G.  Nazro. 


Certainly  so,  if  the  President  shall  give  the  'twelve 
months'  notice  without  an  overture  for  negotiation. 
In  view  of  the  persistent  effort  to  put  an  end  to  the  ex- 
isting relations  between  us  and  the  Colonists  north  and 
east  of  us,  it  may  not  be  amiss  to  refer  to  the  past. 

At  the  dismemberment  of  the  British  empire,  in 
1783,  it  was  proposed  to  allow  the  United  States  to  par- 
ticipate in  the  trade  of  the  remaining  colonies  in  this 
hemisphere,  on  terms  of  equality  with  England  herself; 
but  the  English  merchants  who  enjoyed  that  trade  in 
monopoly  were  alarm.ed,  and  defeated  the  measure. 
Two  years  after,  Mr.  Adams,  our  first  Minister  at  the 
Court  of  St.  James,  was  instructed  to  renew  the  propo- 
sition ;  and  was  curtly  answered  that  it  could  not  be  en- 
tertained even  as  a  subject  of  negotiation.  A  third 
effort   was  made  in  1785),  with  no  better  success. 

A  quarter  of  a  century  elapsed  without  a  change  of 
policy,  or,  as  far  as  we  know,  without  serious  effort  on 
our  part  to  obtain  concessions.  But,  in  1815,  by  an 
Act  of  Congress,  Ave  relaxed  our  policy  of  discrimina- 
tion in  favor  of  our  own  flag,  to  such  nations  as  should 
reciprocate  ;  and  the  terms  proposed  were  adopted  in 
the  commercial  treaty  concluded  with  Great  Britain  the 
same  year,  which,  after  repeated  renewals,  is  still  in 
force.  And  tliis  was  the  beginning  of  "  Reciprocity." 
Our  Government  wished  to  place  the  Colonial  trade  on 
the  same  footing ;  but  the  overture  was  declined.  Yet, 
intercourse  was  permitted  between  the  United  States 
and  the  Colonies,  by  Britisli  legislation  and  by  orders  in 
council.  Subsequent  efforts  to  adjust  the  question  by 
negotiation  failed;  and,  in  1817,  an  Act  of  Congress 
restricted  importations  in  foreign  vessels  to  articles  of 
the  growth,  produce,  or  manufactures  of  the  country  to 
wliich  such  vessels  belonged.  The  measure  was  retalia- 
tory.    In  the  year    1817,  also,   Lord  Castlereagh  pro- 


posed  to  our  Minister  in  London,  to  allow  our  vessels 
of  one  deck  a  limited  trade  with  a  portion  of  the  Colo- 
nies, under  the  "  Free  Port"  arrangement:  our  Govern- 
ment not  only  refused  to  accept  the  proposition,  but  re- 
taliated a  second  time,  and  more  severely  than  at  first. 
A  few  years  later,  so  hostile  had  become  the  relations 
between  the  two  countries,  that  the  ports  of  the  United 
States  were  entirely  closed  against  the  British  Colonies 
and  West  Indies ;  and,  lest  British  vessels  coming  to 
these  ports  under  the  "  llcciprocity  Treaty "  of  1815, 
should  evade  our  laws,  bonds  were  exacted  at  their  de- 
parture, obligatory  not  to  land  merchandise  in  either  of 
these  interdicted  possessions.  To  countervail^  an  order 
of  the  King  in  council,  followed  ;  and  non-intercourse  on 
both  sides  ivas  established.  But  the  gypsum  and  grind- 
stones of  Nova  Scotia  were  much  needed,  and  the  offi- 
cers of  the  customs  on  the  north-eastern  frontier,  al- 
lowed American  vessels  to  clear  for  St.  Andrew,  and  to 
receive  these  articles  on  "  the  lines,"  or  in  the  harbors 
of  Eastport  and  Lubec. 

Such  was  the  general  condition  of  things,  when  your 
Secretary  was  an  apprentice  in  a  counting-room  in  the 
town  first  mentioned.  High  duties  and  prohibitions  in- 
variably produce  smuggling,  or  other  evasions  of  the 
statute  book.  And,  at  the  place  and  period  in  question, 
the  amount  of  illicit  trade,  and  frauds  under  the  "  de- 
benture laws,"  were  enormous. 

In  1824,  an  Act  of  Congress  declared  the  suspension 
of  all  discriminating  duties  to  the  several  European  na- 
tions and  their  possessions,  which  had  reciprocated  the 
provisions  of  the  Act  of  1815,  and  gave  the  President 
authority  to  extend  the  exemption  to  such  other  powers 
as  should,  thereafter,  meet  the  United  States  on  terms  of 
equality  ;  but  the  British  Government  refused  to  accede 
to  stipulations  suggested  by  Mr.  Rush,  our  Minister  at 


the  Court  of  St.  Tames,  and  iiegptiations  were  again  in- 
terrupted.f  On  the  5th  of  July,  18'2i5,  however,  Parlia- 
ment passed  an  Act,  under  which  hope  was  entertained 
that  an  end  had  come  to  the  policy  of  whicli  we  speak, 
to  allow  free  intercourse  with  the  Colonies  ;  and  an 
unsuccessful  attempt  was  made  in  Congress,  soon  after, 
to  meet  its  provisions  with  corresponding  legislation. 
The  result  was  another  order  of  liis  ^Majesty  in  council, 
declaring  the  cessation  of  trade  between  the  United 
States  and  the  greater  part  of  the  Colonial  ports,  on  a 
certain  specified  day.  At  this  juncture,  Mr.  Ciallatin, 
who  had  succeeded  Mr.  Hush,  was  instructed  to  accept, 
by  treaty,  the  same  terms,  substantially,  as  were  offered 
to  the  last  named  gentleman,  in  IS'24  ;  but  the  deter- 
mination of  the  British  (lovernmcnt  to  decline  all  fur- 
ther endeavors  to  conclude  a  Convention,  was  promptly 
and  definitely  announced. 

Meantime,  the  qi'\stion  of  the  "  Colonial  Trade,"  had 
become  political,  and  tlie  debates  in  Congress  were  long 
and  acrimonious  ;  wliile  the  newspapers  and  the  ])eople 
blamed  or  praised  President  Adams  and  his  advisers, 
according  to  their  party  proclivities.  In  the  winter  of 
1827,  the  President  submitted  the  whole  subject  to  Con- 
gress ;  and,  after  much  discussion,  a  bill  to  countervail 
the  last  order  in  council,  failed ;  but  after  the  session 
had  closed,  the  President  issued  a  proclamation  which 
accomplished  the  object  designed  by  those  who  su}»- 
ported  his  administration.  The  King,  in  still  another 
order  in  coiuicil,  recited  the  nations  that  had  met  the 
provisions  of  the  Act  of  July  oth,  1H25,  and  excluded 
from  its  benefits  such  as  had  refused,  and  among  them, 
of  course,  was  our  own  country.  Mr.  (ialhitin,  who 
was  still  in  London,  however,  renewed  his  efforts  to 
place  the  Colonial  Trade  on  a  satisfactory  fooling  by 
legislation  rather  than  by  treaty,  in  a  despatch  to   Lord 


r 


I 


I 


Dudley.  Ilis  Lordship  did  not  even  roply.  So,  subse- 
(luently,  when  our  Minister  addressed  Mr.  Canning,  the 
curt  answer  was  surprise  that  any  doubt  could  exist  as 
the  final  determination  of  the  Riitish  (iovernment,  on 
the  subject. 

After  the  decease  of  Mr.  Canning,  Mr.  Gallatin,  in  a 
communication  to  l^ord  Dudley,  asked,  whether,  if  Con- 
j^ress  complied  witli  the  recommendations  which  the 
President  was  prepared  to  make,  the  United  States  would 
be  permitted  to  avail  themselves  of  the  Act  of  July  6th, 
1825  ;  and,  in  a  conference  with  Mr.  Iluskisson,  our 
Minister  was  evasively  answered  on  this  point,  and  told, 
moreover,  that  Great  Britain  considered  the  trade  with 
her  Colonies  as  exclusively  under  her  own  control,  and 
that  whatever  terms  might  be  granted  to  foreigners  was 
a  concession.  Thus,  then,  after  twelve  years  of  negoti- 
ation, nothing  whatever  had  been  accomplished,  save 
indeed,  the  ofHcial  declaration  just  recorded,  that  any 
relaxation  of  the  principals  of  the  original  "  Navigation 
Act "  of  England,  as  related  to  her  Colonies,  w^as  to  be 
deemed  a  mere  "  boon."  And  yet,  during  these  twelve 
years,  the  diplcmatcs  of  both  Governments  had  almost 
always  conceded  that  the  interests  of  all  parties  would 
be  promoted  by  "  Reciprocity."  Thus  stood  the  contro- 
versy at  the  beginning  of  the  administration  of  Presi- 
dent Jackson  ;  for  ISlr.  Barbour,  in  January,  1829, 
Minister  at  the  Court  of  St.  James,  advised  Mr.  Van 
Buren,  Secretary  of  State,  that  ho  was  induced  to  believe 
that  no  change  of  policy  in  favor  of  the  United  States 
was  meditated  by  his  Majesty's  advisers.  Such,  in 
truth,  was  the  general  o})inion ;  but  a  change  soon 
occurred. 

Mr.  Mc  Lane,  who  succeeded  Mr.  Barbour,  in  1830, 
made  an  "  Arrangement," — known  by  his  name — which 
took  rlf(>ct  in  (October  of  that  vear,  and  which  was  un- 


8 


P 


^1 


^1 


disturbed  until  1854,  when  the  existing  "  Reciprocity 
Treaty"  was  concluded.  Embarrassed  in  tlic  Depart- 
ment of  State,  Mr.  \an  Buren  retired,  and  accepted  the 
mission  to  England.  As  already  remarked,  the  ques- 
tion of  the  Colonial  Trade  had  been  mingled  with  the 
politics  of  the  time  ;  and  we  may  now  add,  that  it 
helped  to  defeat  President  Adams.  The  friends  of  his 
successor,  President  Jackson,  had,  in  a  manner,  pledged 
themselves  to  the  country,  to  obtain  speedy  and  satis- 
fiictory  concessions.  It  was  accordingly  known  that 
Mr.  McLane  liad  been  specially  directed  to  open  nego- 
tiations with  Lord  Aberdeen  ;  but  it  was  not  known 
until  after  Mr.  Van  liurcn  had  gone  abroad,  that,  in 
his  instructions  of  July  20,  1829,  he  hud  used  these 
remarkable  words : — "  To  set  up  the  acts  of  the  late 
administration"  he  said,  "^s  the  cause  of  forfeiture  of 
privilege  ivhich  would  otherwise  he  extended  to  the  people 
of  the  United  States,  would,  under  existing  circumstances, 
be  unjust  in  itself  and  could  not  fail  to  excite  their  deepest 
sympathy."  Such  a  statement  to  a  foreign  power  of 
"  the  relations  of  our  domestic  parties,"'  was  thought 
so  very  objectionable,  that  the  Senate  refused  to  confirm 
Mr.  Van  Burcn  as  Minister  to  England,  lie  returned  a 
martyr  ;  and,  in  due  time  became  President.  And  it  is 
possible  that  some  yet  live,  who  think  that  the  utterance 
of  the  sentiment  we  have  quo'^cd — with  such  a  result 
was  so  extremely  unfortunate,  as  to  have  had  an  adverse 
influence  over  our  public  aff'airs  down  to  this  very 
hour. 

In  the  place  of  barred  and  bolted  i)orts,  the  people  of 
the  United  States  and  of  the  Colonies,  now,  and  under 
the  "  Reciprocity  Treaty,"  deal  with  one  another  at 
will,  exchange  without  customs  even,  the  "  wealth  of 
seas  "  and  the  principal  raw  staples  of  the  soil ;  mingle, 
as  if  of  the   same  nation  on    all  the    fishing-grounds  ; 


J 


and,  as  if  of  the  same  nation,  too,  nse  the  St.  Lawrence 
and  the  canals  which  connect  it  with  the  most  distant 
of  the  great  hikes  and  with  the  ocean.  True,  in  this 
happy  condition  of  things  tlierc  are  some  grave  evils  to 
lament  and  to  correct;  yet  W(?  are  still  to  rejoice  that 
the  inhuman  restrictions  which  existed  for  nearly  half  a 
century,  have  been  removed.  And  now  !  are  the  mis- 
understandings of  the  moment  to  be  cherished,  and  to 
terminate,  at  last,  in  utter  alienation  and  hatred  I  Is 
retaliatory  legislation  to  be  revived,  to  bo  revived  on 
both  sides  ? 

In  considering  these  inquiries  it  is  pertinent  to  re- 
mark that,  on  our  part,  we  shall  be  compelled  to  deal 
not  with  the  Imperial  Parliament,  as  at  first,  but  with 
th^  different  Colorial  Assemblies,  and  with  each  accord- 
ing to  its  own  i)leasure,  and  distinct  power  of  annoy- 
ance. The  Colonics,  in  truth,  are  now  nearly  indepen- 
dent of  England.  Lord  Durham,  who  came  out  as 
Governor  General  of  British  America,  during  the  Re- 
bellion in  Canada,  made  a  Report  of  what  he  himself 
did,  of  what  he  intended  to  do,  and  of  what  should  be 
done,  for  the  Colonics  ;  which,  though  stigmatized  in 
Parliament  and  in  the  Quarterlt/  Review,  as  "  ti  gospel  of 
treason,"  has  been  adopted  by  her  Majesty's  advisers,  in 
almost  every  essential  particular ;  and,  these  bold  and 
comprehensive  reforms  accomplished,  the  Colonists  are 
nearly  free. 

Why,  with  the  history  before  us  of  the  controversy 
which  preceded  the  "McLane  Arrangement"  of  1830, 
a?tnul  the  Treaty  of  1854,  without  an  attempt  to  revise, 
and  continue  it  ?  If  we  adopt  this  extreme  course, 
another  long  and  angry  dispute  will  certainly  follow  ; 
and,  the  legislation  on  both  sides  will  become,  possibly, 
quite  as  barbaious  as  at  any  previous  period.  Why, 
then,  not  give  the  "  twelve  months' "  notice,  as  provided 


10 


■Hi 


li 


1  > 


in  the  5th  Article  of  the  Treaty  ;  appoint  Commission- 
ers, and  negotiate  ? 

Again  ;  the  Treaty  once  abrogated,  our  right  of  fish- 
ing in  the  British  Colr.iial  seas  and  bays  would  depend 
entirely  upon  the  unfortunate  Convention  of  1818,  with 
the  certainty  of  reviving  the  old  disputes  ;  and  here, 
too,  mainly,  the  contest  would  be  with  the  several  As- 
semblies, and  not,  as  once,  with  the  Home  Government. 
As  the  difficulties  encountered  by  the  United  States, 
prior  to  1854,  on  the  question  of  the  fisheries,  hav3 
been  treated  with  unbecoming  lightness  by  members  of 
Congress,  and  by  newspapers  of  influence  in  shaping 
the  policy  of  the  country,  we  propose,  at  this  juncture, 
to  place  on  the  records  of  this  Board  a  rapid  account  of 
them,  for  future  reference.  Should  the  Treaty  be  an- 
nulled, time,  possibly,  77iay  chow  the  pertinency  of  our 
narrative. 

At  the  rl  /se  of  the  war  of  1812,  our  Government  was 
firm  in  lue  opinion  that  the  rights  stipulated  in  1783 
remained  entire.  It  was  assumed  in  England  and  in  the 
Colonies,  however,  that  this  principle  was  in  contraven- 
tion of  public  law,  and  claim  was  made  to  exclude  our 
vessels  from  the  fishing  grounds,  and  even  to  seize  them 
when  found  there.  In  accordance  with  the  British 
view,  his  Majesty's  ship  Jasseur,  in  June,  1815,  made 
prize  of  eight  American  vessels  in  a  single  day.  Tl»is 
outrage,  and  the  order  that  our  fishermen  should  not 
':omc  within  sixty  miles  of  the  Colonial  coast,  caused  a 
long  negotiation,  which  terminated  in  the  Convention  of 
1818,  and  which  we  again  pronounce  unfortunate.  The 
capture  of  twelve  other  vessels  followed.  In  1811), 
Parliament  passed  an  Act  regulating  the  fisheries  of 
Newfoundland,  Labrador,  and  other  possessions  of  the 
Crown,  to  meet  the  provisions  of  the  Convention  of  the 
preceding  year ;  but  the  Colonial  authorities  in  due  time 


I 


t  i 


11 


Tl' 


took  the  ground  that  thift  Act  excluded  our  flag  from 
the  great  "  bays."  For  four  years,  there  was  a  degree 
of  quiet  and  security;  but,  in  1823,  the  ship  of  war 
Ar^us  (captured  from  us  in  the  war  of  1812)  and  the 
Sparrow-hawk,  spread  alarm  among  our  fishermen  em- 
ployed in  the  Bay  of  Fundy,  and  elsewhere  in  the  wa- 
ters of  New  Brunswick  and  Nova  Scotia  ;  and  though 
the  Charles  of  York,  Maine,  was  the  only  prize,  fifty 
other  vessels  were  molested,  and  the  voyages  of  several 
of  them  utterly  ruined.  A  year  later.  Captain  Hoare, 
of  his  Majesty's  brig  Dotterel,  pursued  a  course  which 

I       drove  hundreds  of  our  fishermen  from  the  "  bays  "  of 

^      the  two  Colonies  just  mentioned ;  and  your  Secretary 

saw,  on  more  than  one  occasion,  the  arrival  of  sixty  or 

I       seventy  of  these  vessels  at  one  port,  on  a  single  day. 

I       After  the  loss  of  a  week's  time,  perhaps,  the  boldest  of 

I  the  masters  ventured  to  go  to  sea ;  but  the  report  that 
jk  the  vigilant  Iloare  had  been  seen  in  close  proximity,  a 
day  or  two  previously,  caused  a  second  flight  to  some 
harbor  on  the  American  side  of  the  frontier,  with 
another  loss  of  time.  In  a  word,  the  zeal  of  Captain 
Hoare  "  in  guarding  the  coast  from  the  intrusion  of 
foreign  fishermen  and  smugglers,"  gave  rise  to  great  ex- 
citement on  the  eastern  border  of  Maine,  which  finally 
attracted  the  attention  of  Congress ;  when  the  United 
States  sr  (ooner  Porpoise  was  despatched  to  the  Bay  of 
i' undy,  to  protect  the  "  craft  "  that  wore  our  country's 
flag.  So,  too,  subsequently,  as  the  Dotterel  continued 
to  annoy  our  fishing  vessels,  the  sloop-of-war  Lexington 
was  ordered  to  cruise  in  the  interdicted  "  bays." 

During  these  troubles  your  Secretary  and  hundreds  of 
other  persons  witnessed  the  recapture  of  two  of  the 
DottereVs  prizes  by  a  party  of  armed  men  ;  a':  aflray 
•  .hich,  in  the  correspondence  that  followed  between  a 
Charge  d'Aft'aires  and  a  Minister  of  England,  on  the  one 


Jil: 


il 


It'! 

1. 


12 

hand,  and  Mr.  Adams  and  Mr.  Clay,  successively  Secre- 
taries of  State,  on  the  other,  was  deemed  by  the  repre- 
sentatives of  royalty  "  an  outrage ;"  and  one  for  which 
they  required  an  "  acknowledgment."  A  period  of 
quiet  followed.  Early  in  1836,  however,  Mr.  Bankhead, 
the  British  Charge  d' Affaires,  at  the  instance  of  the 
Colonial  authorities,  called  the  attention  of  Mr.  Forsyth, 
Secretary  of  State,  to  ^'■repeated  acts  of  irregularity, 
committed  by  fishermen  of  the  United  States ; "  but, 
strangely  enough,  the  papers  which  accompanied  his 
note  specified  a  single  encroachment  only,  namely,  that 
of  the  schooner  Bethel,  of  Provincetown,  Massachusetts. 
In  less  than  three  months,  Nova  Scotia  passed  an  Act  of 
extreme,  and  in  some  of  its  provisions,  of  inexcusable 
severity  ;  and,  in  1837,  an  elaborate  Report  was  made  to 
the  Assembly  of  that  Colony,  in  which  it  was  proposed 
to  maintain  their  pretensions  by  the  employment  of 
steamers  on  the  part  of  England,  and  of  a  preventive 
force  on  the  part  of  her  dependencies.  The  latter  re- 
commendation was  adopted.  And  Nova  Scotia,  not  con- 
tent with  this,  transmitted  an  Address  to  the  Queen,  in 
1838,  complaining  of  the  habitual  violation  of  the  Con- 
vention of  1818  by  our  countrymen  ;  and  praying  for  a 
naval  force  to  put  an  end  to  the  alleged  aggressions. 
The  appeal  was  successful,  for  Lord  Glenelg,  Secretary 
for  the  Colonies,  announced  that  during  the  fishing  sea- 
son, ships  of  war  would  be  stationed  on  the  coast,  "  to 
enforce  a  more  strict  observance  of  the  provisions  of 
the  treaty  by  American  citizens." 

In  1839  her  Majesty's  cruisers  spread  consternation 
throughout  the  "  bays  " ;  and  the  Hon.  Keith  Stewart, 
in  command  of  the  Itiugdove,  was  called  by  our  fisher- 
men, another  Hoare  in  the  Dotterel.  Among  the  cap- 
tures were  the  Java^  the  Battelle,  the  Mai/Jtower,  the 
Charles,  the  Eliza,  the  Shetland,  the  Hi/der  Allif,  the  In- 


I 


13 


H 


dependence,  the  Hart,  the  Ocean,  the  Director,  the  Atlas, 
the  Magnolia,  the  ylma^ow,  and  the  Three  Brothers  ;  and 
many  vessels  which  escaped  seizure  returned  home  with 
"broken  fares,"  and  with  more  or  less  loss  to  their 
owners. 

The  early  part  of  1841  is  fruitful  of  events  which 
show  the  progress  of  the  controversy,  and  tne  develop- 
ment of  Colonial  plans  and  pretensions.  On  the  20th 
of  February,  Mr.  Forsyth,  Secretary  of  State,  addressed 
Mr.  Stevenson,  our  Minister  at  London,  a  letter  of 
definitive  instructions,  in  which  he  reviewed  the  points 
in  dispute,  and  stated  that  he  was  directed  by  the  Presi- 
dent to  convey  his  desire  that  a  representation  should 
be  made  to  her  Majesty's  Government,  immediately  on 
receipt  of  the  despatcli,  earnestly  remonstrating  "against 
the  illegal  and  vexatious  proceedings  of  the  authorities 
of  Nova  Scotia  towards  our  fishermen  "  ;  and  requesting 
of  the  Ministry,  "  that  measures  be  forthwith  adopted  " 
to  remedy  the  evils  arising  "  from  the  course  of  the 
Colony,  and  to  prevent  the  possibility  of  the  occurrence 
of  similar  acts."  Mr.  Stevenson's  attention  to  bis  in- 
structions was  prompt ;  but  we  must  omit  all  mention 
of  his  communication  to  Lord  Palmerston ;  and  our 
limits  compel  us  to  omit,  also,  several  incidents  neces- 
sary to  a  full  understanding  of  the  gravity  of  the  case 
at  that  time. 

We  renew  our  narrative,  however,  at  the  moment 
when  Mr.  Everett  appeared  as  the  Envoy  of  our  coun- 
try at  the  Court  of  St.  James.  Seemingly,  such  were 
the  complications  at  this  juncture,  that  the  "  Fishery 
Question,"  hardly  admitted  of  solution.  The  hostile 
action  of  Nova  Scotia  had  been  continued  ;  Lord  Falk- 
land, the  Governor,  had  transmitted  several  documents 
to  the  Ministry,  and  among  them  a  paper  containing 
"  Seven   Queries  "—so    called,    subsequently — for   an 


u 


i\ 


Jii 


opinion  by  the  great  law  officers  of  the  Crown  ;  which, 
if  answered  affirmatively,  would  not  only  drive  our  flag 
from  the  "  bays,"  but  deny  it  the  shelter  which,  in  peace, 
is  allowed  by  one  civilized  power  to  another,  all  over 
the  world.  These  "  Queries  "  were  considered  with 
commendable  promptness ;  but  fifteen  months  elapsed 
before  Lord  Stanley  acquainted  Lord  Falkland  with  the 
result.  To  the  amazement  of  well-informed  persons  in 
the  United  States,  the  legal  advisers  of  the  British 
Crown  decided  that  our  fishermen,  under  the  Conven- 
tion of  1818,  must  keep  three  miles  from  the  shore,  and 
that  this  distance  should  "  be  measured  from  the  head- 
lands or  oxtreme  points  of  land  next  to  the  sea  of  the 
coast,  or  of  the  entrance  of  the  bays."  By  this  decision, 
as  will  be  seen,  the  only  fishing-grounds  which  could  be 
used  by  American  vessels  were  those  of  the  open  ocean. 
Rapidly  enough  did  the  Colonists  avail  themselves  of 
this  remarkable  judgment  of  the  Queen's  Advocate,  and 
of  the  Attorney-General  of  England.  The  schooner 
Washington,  of  Newburyport,  Massachusetts,  was  seized 
while  "  fishing  broad,"  in  the  Bay  of  Fundy,  in  conse- 
quence ;  and,  in  June,  1843,  Mr.  Upshur,  Secretary  of 
State,  in  a  despatch  to  Mr.  Everett,  spoke  of  the  "  obvi- 
ous necessity  "  which  existed,  "  to  put  an  end  to  pro- 
ceedings on  the  part  of  the  British  Colonial  authorities, 
alike  conflicting  a,  ith  their  conventional  obligations,  and 
ruinous  to  the  fortunes  and  subversive  of  the  rights  of 
an  enterprising  and  deserving  class  of  our  fellow-citi- 
zens." Tlie  interests  of  the  United  States,  of  whatever 
nature,  were  intrusted  to  an  accomplished  gentleman. 
Gladly  would  we  insert  entire  the  letter  of  Mr.  Everett, 
of  August  lOth,  184.3,  and  of  the  25th  of  May,  1844, 
to  licrd  Aberdeen,  Secretary  for  Foreign  Affairs,  but  our 
limits  allow  us  barely  to  say  that  the  first  is  admirable, 
and  that  the  other  is  a  state  paper,  which,  for  spirit, 


^ 


I 


15 

dignity,  and  force  of  argument,  is  a  model.  His  Lord- 
ship, however,  maintained  the  "  headland  "  construction 
of  the  Treaty,  and  averred  that  the  seizure  of  the  Wash- 
ington was  justified,  on  the  ground,  solely,  that  she  "  was 
found  fishing  within  the  Bay  of  Fundy." 

1  In  September  of   1844,  Mr.   Calhoun,  Secretary  of 

State,  called  the  attention  of  Mr.  Everett  to  the  case  of 

>        the  Avails,  a  fishing  schooner  seized  "  sLvteen  miles  from 

J  ANY  land"  by  the  cutter  Sj/lph,  off  the  coast  of  Cape 
Breton.  From  our  distinguished  countryman's  commu- 
nication to  Lord  Aberdeen,  on  the  9th  of  October  of 
that  year,  we  make  a  single  extract.  "  American  vessels 
1^  of  trifling  size,"  said  our  Minister,  "  and  pursuing  a 
branch  of  industry  of  the  most  harmless  description, 
which,  however  beneficial  to  themselves,  occa  ons  no 
detriment  to  others,  instead  of  being  turned  oli  the  de- 
batable fishing  ground — a  remedy  fully  adequate  to  the 
jk        alleged  evil — are  proceeded  against  as  if  engaged  in  the 

'         most  undoubted  infractions  of  municipal  law  or  the  law 
of  nations,  captured  and  sent  into  port,  their  crews  de- 
prived of  their  clothing  and  personal  effects,  and  the 
vessels  subjected  to  a  mode  of  procedure  in  the  courts, 
i  which  amounts  in  many  cases  to  confiscation :  and  this 

is  done  to  settle  the  construction  of  a  treaty." 

The  pretension  to  exclude  our  vessels  from  the  Bay 
of  Fundy  was  absolutely  absurd,  even  under  the  deci- 
sion of  the  Crown  lawyers  ;  simply  because  its  north- 
western '•  headland,"  wherever  determined,  is  in  the 
State  of  Maine.  Yet,  instead  of  being  abandoned  as 
utterly  untenable,  its  use  was  granted  "  as  the  conces- 
sion of  a  privilege."  Mr.  Everett,  in  his  last  letter 
to  Lord  Aberdeen,  March  25th,  1845,  dissents  from 
his  Lordship's  viewS;,  and  accepts  the  Bay  as  the 
continuance  of  a  "  right "  always  enjoyed,  and  never 
impaired.     But  as  our  (iovernment  gave  no  information 


IG 


m 


upon  the  subject,  save  what  was  contained  in  a  single 
paragraph  in  the  "  Union,"  a  newspaper  supposed  to 
possess  its  confidence, — persons  engaged  in  the  fisheries 
pursued  their  business  in  apprehension  and  doubt  until 
1852,  or,  for  more  than  seven  years. 

Of  the  occurrences  between  the  years  1846  and 
1851,  we  need  mention  only  the  capture  and  total  loss 
of  several  American  fishing  vessels,  and  of  four  annual 
reports  to  the  Assembly  of  Nova  Scotia,  on  the  question 
of  depriving  our  countrymen  of  the  use  of  the  Strait  of 
Canso,  and  thus  compelling  them  to  make  the  long  and 
dangerous  passage  around  Cape  Breton,  an  island  so 
large  as  to  have  been  a  C'olony  of  France,  and  for  a  con- 
siderable time,  of  Eiiij[land.  And  yet,  the  controversy 
was  then  fast  approaching  a  crisis. 

On  the  19th  of  July,  1852,  Mr.  Webster,  Secretary 
of  State,  made  the  startling  declaration  that  vessels  of 
war  of  her  Majesty  were  exi)ecied  to  arrive  upon  the 
coasts  of  British  America  during  that  month,  "  when," 
he  said,  "  no  doubt  seizures  will  begin  to  be  made  ;  " 
that  the  Coral,  of  Machias,  Elaine,  had  already  been 
captured  by  the  cutter  Nettle ;  that  Canada  had  fitted 
an  armed  vessel,  to  be  stationed  in  the  Gulf;  that  Nova 
Scotia  had  four  cruisers  in  commission,  "  ready  to  pounce 
upon  any  American  vessels  who  may  accidentally,  or 
otherwise,  bo  found  fishing  within  limits  defined  by  the 
Crown  officers  of  England  ;  "  that  New  Brunswick  had 
agreed  to  place  a  cutter  in  the  Bay  of  Fundy ;  and  that 
the  steam  frigate  Devastation  had  been  ordered  to  act 
under  the  instructions  of  the  Governor  of  Prince  Ed- 
ward Island.  This  official  statement  attracted  immedi- 
ate and  universal  attention,  and  by  opponents  of  the 
administration  was  severely  criticised.  On  the  23d  of 
July,  Mr.  Mason,  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  For- 
eign  Relations,  off"ered  a  Resolution  in  the  Senate — 


f 


E^n 


single 
)sed  to 
isheries 
)t  until 

46  and 
tal  loss 
annual 
question 
itrait  of 
>ng  and 
iland  so 
»r  a  con- 
troversy 

ccretary 
jssels  of 
)on  the 

when," 
made ;  " 
ly  been 
id  fitted 
at  Nova 

pounce 
ally,  or 
I  by  the 
ick  had 
md  that 
to  act 
Ince  Ed- 
immedi- 
s  of  the 
3  23d  of 
on  For- 
lenate — 


I 


17 

which  was  agreed  to  unanimously — requesting  the  Pres- 
ident to  communicate  all  the  correspondence  touching 
the  fisheries  since  the  Convention  of  1818,  and  wishing 
to  be  informed  whether  anv  of  the  naval  forces  of  the 

¥ 

United  States  had  been  ordered  to  the  seas  adjacent  to 
the  British  possessions.  The  debate  which  preceded 
the  passage  of  this  Resolution  was  highly  animated. 
The  newspapers  discussed  the  condition  of  affairs  with 
warmth,  and  the  whole  country  soon  became  excited. 
On  the  fishing  grounds  apprehension  and  threats  of 
combination  to  capture  the  Devastation  by  boarding, 
continued  throughout  the  season.  The  fact  that  the  two 
Governments  were  negotiating  the  "  Reciprocity  Treaty" 
had  a  sensible  influence  upon  our  fishermen,  ard  proba- 
bly prevented  collisions  and  the  loss  of  life. 

Such  is  an  outline  of  the  controversy  relative  to  our 
right  to  the  fisheries  of  British  America,  which,  begin- 
ning in  1815,  lasted  thirty-nine  years,  and  until  1854. 
Members  of  Congress  who  favor  the  abrogation  of  the 
Treaty,  dwell  on  the  fact  that,  during  this  long  period, 
few  vessels  were  captured  and  condemned.  True,  the 
number  of  seizures  was  not  large  ;  but  we  have  she  vvn 
that  the  interruptions  were  many  and  serious.  For 
twenty-eight  years  your  Secretary  was  a  constant  ob- 
server of,  and  often  a  party  to,  the  troubles  here  related, 
and  therefore  speaks  from  personal  knowledge  of  the 
losses  incurred.  The  fishing  months  are  few  ;  and  year 
after  year  hundreds  of  vessels  were  driven  from  the 
fishing  g'lounds  and  were  detained  in  ports  of  refuge  by 
fog  and  storm,  no  frequently  as  to  lose  nearly  one-fourth 
of  the  season.  The  aggregate  loss  in  these  thirty-nine 
years  may  be  estimated  by  millions. 

And  now  what  reason  has  been,  what  reason  can  be, 
given  for  new  contentions  1  The  opponents  of  the 
treaty  object  mainly  to  our  relations  with  Canada.     The 


18 


iji; 
■il  • 


averments  on  tliis  point,  in  Congress  and  elsewhere, 
cannot  be  examined  here ;  and  wc  barely  remark  that 
we  entertain  the  hope  of  effecting  an  adjustment  even 
with  this  Colony.  But,  failing  to  make  a  satisfactory 
arrangement  with  Canada,  we  may  still  save  our  fish- 
eries, and  continue  the  free  importation  of  the  produc- 
tions of  the  sea,  the  soil,  the  mine,  and  the  quarry, 
which  now  come  to  us,  as  by  a  natural  law,  from  New 
Brunswick,  Nova  Scotia,  Prince  Edward  Island,  and 
Newfoundland. 

In  a  word,  a  revision  of  the  treaty  should  be  at- 
tempted ;  failing  in  the  endeavor,  we  have  abrogation  as 
the  last  resort.  Such  is  the  judgment  we  venture  to 
pronounce,  after  long  and  careful  reflection  upon  the 
advantages  and  evils  of  "  Reciprocity." 

Finally  :  it  is  our  duty  as  citizens  to  believe  that  those 
who  control  our  public  affairs  act  calmly  and  wisely  in 
the  premises.  Th(  purpose  ostensibly  is  to  obtain  rev- 
enue. Duty  on  the  productions  of  the  Colonies  may 
and  may  not  result  in  gain  in  this  particular.  The  Gov- 
ernment is  now,  and  for  an  indefinite  period  must  con- 
tinue to  be,  an  enormous  purchaser  of  the  principal 
necessaries  of  life.  A  tax,  ordinarily,  enhances  the 
price  of  commodities,  and  competition,  as  a  rule,  lessens 
the  cost"  to  the  consumer.  The  law  of  demand  and  sup- 
ply is  universal  and  inexorable.  On  a  question  of  rev- 
enue, these  points  arc  worthy  of  attention. 

Again.  Modern  history  shows  nothing  more  univer- 
sally or  conclusively  than  that  smuggling  originates 
either  in  prohibitions  in  commercial  intercourse,  or  in 
high  duties.  Articles  of  necessity,  and  indeed  of  lux- 
ury, have  been  sought  by  illicit  means  whenever  among 
adventurers  there  has  been  hope  of  profit.  Example  is 
found  at  the  present  moment  in  the  persons  who  "  run 
the  blockade "'  on  the  sea,  and  in  those  who  evade  the 


4 


19 


ewhere, 

irk  that 

nt  even 

sfactory 

3ur  fish- 
produc- 
quarry, 

)m  New 

md,  and 

1  be  at- 
gation  as 
nture  to 
ipon  the 

hat  those 
,visely  m 
)tain  rev- 
lies  may 
The  Gov- 
nust  con- 
principal 
mces   the 
ie,  lessens 
i  and  sup- 
3n  of  rev- 
re  univer- 
originates 
irse,  or  in 
ed  of  lux- 
irer  among 
i^xample  is 
who  "  run 
evade  the 


trade  regulations  and  military  orders  on  the  Mississippi 
and  its  affluents.  On  the  abrogation  of  the  Tp'aty, 
fifteen  hundred  miles  of  frontier  would  be  open  to  con- 
traband traders,  and  no  corps  of  revenue  officers,  how- 
ever numerous  or  efficient,  could  prevent  smuggling  on 
the  St.  Croix,  on  the  upper  voters  of  the  St.  John  and 
the  St.  Lawrence,  and  across  the  great  Lakes.  Prohi- 
bitions, or  high  duties,  then,  as  in  times  past,  would  in- 
duce illicit  trade,  and,  in  a  raeasuro  certainly,  disappoint 
those  who  expect  a  lar(/c  revenue  on  taxing  the  produc- 
tions of  the  Colonics. 

In  the  judgment  of  the  (jovernmcnt  of  this  Board 
the  best  good  of  the  country  demands  the  revision,  not 
the  annulment  of  the  Treaty.  It  is  the  work  of  states- 
men. The  ^^  ork  of  the  late  Earl  of  Elgin  and  Kincar- 
dine, on  the  one  hand  ;  and  on  the  other,  of  the  de- 
I)arted  AVcbster  and  Marcy,  and  of  the  living  Fillmore 
and  Everett.* 

We  pass  now  to  a  rapid  notice  of  our  trade  with 
C'anada.  On  this  subject,  unless  we  misunderstand 
official  statistics,  persons  of  influence  entertain  a  very 
erroneous  opinion.  Our  limits  confine  us  to  comments 
on  the  Speech  of  the  lion.  Justin  S.  Morril),  a  member 
of  Congress  from  Vevmont,  delivered  January  27,  186-1 ; 
yet,  as  this  gentleman  is  to  be  distinguished,  we  suppose, 
as  the  leader  of  those  who  favor  the  abrogation  of  the 
Treaty,  the  exposure  of  some  of  his  mistakes  will 
answer  the  purpose  of  this  Report. 

And  first,  he  says  that, 

"  By  the  treaty  the  ancient  hiws  of  liade  have  been  subverted,  and 
our  exports  to  Canada,  which  formerly  largely  exceeded  our  imports, 
arc  now  greatly  less.     They  sell  to  us,  but  go  elsewhere  to  buy." 

*This  Report  was  published  in  tho  "Advertiser"  and  "Post,"  Saturday, 
January  14.    Mr.  Everett  died  the  very  next  day. 


^T 


III 


Hii 


i  !i 


i' 


On  what  authority  does  he  make  this  extraordinary 
statement  1  The  late  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  in  a 
communication  which  was  referred  to  the  Committee  on 
Commerce,  Feb.  1,  186-4,  informed  the  country  that 
during  the  ten  years  ending  in  1863,  our  exports  to 
Canada  amounted  (in  whole  numbers)  to  ^170,685,000  ; 
and  that  our  imports  from  that  Colony  for  the  same 
period  were  of  the  value  of  ^152,051,000  ;  or  that  our 
sales  exceeded  our  purchases  in  the  sum  of  ^18,584,000. 
With  these  figures  what  becomes  of  the  assertion  that 
the  Canadians  "  sell  to  us,  but  go  elsewhere  to  buy  "  1 
The  truth  is,  that,  under  "  Reciprocity,"  and  until  the 
existing  rebellion,  Canada  bought  more  of  the  United 
States  than  of  all  of  the  rest  of  the  world  besides !  As 
thus :  total  imports  from  every  country  from  1855  to 
1860,  (both  years  inclusive,)  $215,98'2,776,  of  which 
^114,259,345  were  from  our  ports:  showing  a  balance 
in  our  favor  against  all  other  nations^  in  these  six  years^  of 
^12,535,914,  or  of  more  than  two  milUons  of  dollars^  an- 
nually ! 

Again,  Mr.  Morrill  remarks  : 

"  The  amount  of  our  export  of  coin  for  this  year  I  Imve  been  una- 
ble to  ascertain,  but  Canadian  returns  credit  us  in  1802  with  $2,530,- 
000,  and  in  18(J3  with  $3,502,180.  Tiiat  it  was  much  more  there  can 
be  no  reasonable  doubt.  Tlic  fair  inference  would  be  that  not  less 
than  $10,000,000  are  annually  drawn  from  us  in  gold,  or  its  equiva- 
lent, to  pay  for  agricultural  productions  not  required,  and  to  glut  mar- 
kets which  our  vn  people  are  all  the  while  eager  to  supply.  We 
have  no  reciprocity  treaty  with  any  other  country,  and  no  other  pre- 
sents so  unfavorable  a  balance-sheet.  Even  our  trade  with  China  is 
more  profitable." 

"  The  fair  inference,"  that  "  not  less  than  $10,000,000 
are  annually  drawn  from  us  in  gold  or  its  equivalent," 
&c  ;  and  this  in  consequence  of  the  "  Reciprocity 
Treaty "  V  What  is  the  fact  ?  As  Mr.  Morrill  states, 
we  did  export  to  Canada  $3,502,180,  "in  gold  or  its 


II 


■^T" 


21 

equivalent,"  in  the  year  1863 ;  but  the  balance  of  coin 
was  in  our  favor  in  the  sum  of  $1,390,015,  since  in  the 
letter  of  the  Secretary  of  tlie  Treasury,  already  referred 
to — we  find  that  the  importations  of  the  precious  metals 
were  $4,892,195.  Which  country,  then,  in  adjusting 
balances  for  1863,  was  the  debtor  "  in  gold  or  its  equiv- 
alent"? 

Still  again,  as  relates  to  transportation,  Mr.  Morrill 
avers  that 

"  Our  position  gives  to  us  the  carrying  trade  over  about  one  hundred 
miles  of  railroad,  controlled  by  a  perpptuul  British  lease,  and  in  whose 
prosperity  no  American  has  eitiier  a  dime  or  a  vote,  from  Portland  to 
the  Canada  line,  which  the  giant  corporations  of  the  British  Provinces 
have  Anglicized  and  monopolized ;  and  for  this  equivocal  favor  we 
have,  with  excessive  liberality,  allowed  more  than  one  thousand  miles 
of  Canadian  railroads  to  successfully  compete  for  the  carrying  trade 
from  one  point  to  another  in  the  United  States." 

Surely,  he  cannot  mean  that  of  the  30,600  miles  of 
railroad  in  the  United  States  in  1860,  which  cost 
$1,134,450,  we  have  no  control  over  such  of  them  as 
connect  New  England  with  the  West ;  yet,  as  the  words 
stand  in  the  Speech  circulated  under  his  own  /mwA:,  this 
seems  the  fair  inference.  Perhaps  he  himself  will  allow, 
upon  reflection,  that  "  our  position  "  is  not  quite  so  des- 
perate as  to  confine  us  to  "  about  one  hundred  miles  of 
road  between  Portland  and  the  Canada  line ;"  since  the 
roads  from  Boston  to  Buftalo,  and  thence  to  all  the  great 
marts  on  the  Lakes,  which,  with  their  connections  to 
different  cities  and  rivers,  are  thousands  of  miles  in 
extent,  were  constructed  with  American  "  dimes,"  and 
are  under  the  direction  of  American  "  votes  "  and  skill. 
And,  as  concerns  the  roads  which  pass  through  Mr. 
Morrill's  own  State,  and  terminate  at  Ogdensburgh,  we 
can  but  suggest  that  he  ought  to  help  save  the  business 
of  these,  and  the  use  of  the  Welland  Canal  by  our  freight 


Wf 


■22 


i 


,1; 


propellers,  as  stipulated  in  the  treaty  of  "  reciprocity," 
to  prevent  the  mortifying  admission  hereafter,  that,  hy 
the  abrogation  of  that  compact,  "  the  giant  corporations 
of  the  British  Provinces  have  Anglicized  and  monopo- 
lized" the  trade  of  Ontario,  and  obtained  an  undue 
share  of  that  of  Erie,  Huron,  Michigan,  and  Superior. 

Nor  need  there  be  any  alarm  whatever  about  that 
"perpetual  British  lease"  of  the  Atlantic  and  St. 
Lawrence  llailroad,  for  the  reason,  simply,  that  the 
Grand  Trunk  and  its  connections  must  conform  in  price, 
safety,  and  speed  to  competing  lines,  in  order  to  retain 
their  business,  and  thus  to  pay  their  expenses  and  fulfil 
their  contracts. 

Mr.  Morrill's  strictures  upon  what  he  denominates 
"The  hostile  changes  made  in  the  Canadian  Tariff"  arc 
too  long  for  citation  or  even  for  such  extracts  as  would 
do  him  common  justice ;  and,  of  consequence,  we  for- 
bear to  do  more  than  to  observe — with  all  deference — that 
were  we  to  agree  to  all  his  arguments  and  statements 
(which  is  far  from  the  truth)  we  should  still  contend 
that  he  makes  a  good  case  for  revision  of  the  Treaty, 
as  relates  to  that  single  Colony,  but  proves  nothing,  as 
we  understand  his  positions,  for  its  annulment ;  while,  in 
his  remarks,  we  find  no  reason  whatever  for  a  change 
of  policy  towards  the  four  Lower  Colonies.  Indeed, 
except  the  competition  of  New  Brunswick  with  the 
lumber  interest  of  Maine  and  of  some  of  the  Western 
States,  no  objection  exists,  as  iar  as  we  know,  to  the 
continuance  of  the  i)rescnt  arrangement  —  with  just 
modifications — with  the  remaining  three.  The  Govern- 
ment of  Nova  Scotia  is  supported  at  about  ^50,000 
annually  ;  and  the  duties  on  imports  are  uniformly  ten 
per  cent  ad  valorem.  Prince  Edward  Island  is  also 
economical,  and  nearly  as  liberal  in  the  admission  of 
foreign  merchandise ;  and  of  both,  as  well  as  of  New- 


23 

foimdland,  we  may  add  that  our  dealings  since  the  year 
1854,  have  preserved  our  fisheries  and  promoted  other 
important  national  interests. 

Finally,  wo  arc  amazed  at  the  efforts  to  abrogate 
the  "Reciprocity  Treaty,"  of  June  5th,  1854,  without 
an  overture  for  negotiation.  We  had  supposed  that  in 
commercial  freedom,  and  of  consequence,  in  the  pro- 
motion of  human  brotherhood,  there  is  no  recession. 
Is  the  case  before  us  to  stand  in  history/  as  an  exception  ?  ' 


^ 


